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Biographical Profiles
Richard Vaughan: Eastern Shore Mariner
By Mercedes Quesada-Embid

Captain Richard Vaughan was a well-known and respected member of the small community that developed in Northampton-Accomack County on Virginia’s Eastern Shore in the mid-seventeenth century. He was a man with bold intentions and great plans for success in this new and strangely unknown land. He became an integral part of this new society long before there was any record of him entering the Shore.[1]

The earliest mention of Vaughan was in the year 1640 when his good friend, John Waltham, passed away and Waltham’s widow became Vaughan’s wife.[2] Her name, prior to her first marriage, was Grace Charlton. She was the sister of Stephen Charlton, whose family was well-known on the Shore; it was from this connection that she became a part of the Waltham family. With John Waltham’s death, she was left alone with her only son, John Waltham, Jr.,



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whom Richard Vaughan took into his family as if he were his own.[3] Vaughan, now having married into Grace’s family, became intimately linked with Stephen Charlton. They were now considered brothers. In his will, Charlton gives “his l ovinge brother and sister Mr Rich Vaughan and My sistr his wife for each 20 shillings sterling to buy each a ringe As a lovinge memorial of mee.”[4] Normally, women tended to marry into prominent and wealthy families, but in this case it was Vaughan, a loner on the Shore, who happened into a better life through marriage. Grace was his only wife; and based on the available court records, both were faithful in their union to one another. Due to the social norms of the time period such fidelity was an almost insurmountable feat.

In the early days of Northampton-Accomack societal life, adultery and bigamous relationships appear to have been common. One example of this volatile social temperament may be seen in one of Vaughan’s many court proceedings at which he appeared as a witness and juror; this was the case of Richard Buckland and his wife, Mary. On April 26th, 1655, Mary Buckland declared to the court that she wanted a divorce. She claimed that her husband “had forsaken her and longe tyme lived an adulterous life; leavinge her in a distressed Condic§n.” She sought protection from the court and requested that they not require her to live with her husband any longer. Buckland, slightly defensive at this point, debated and then finally admitted to his unlawful acts. “He did confess that hee was much to blame and that hee was sorry for ye ill course of life he had led.” He went on to claim that he was a changed man and that his wife no longer needed to worry because his mistress and the child she bore with him had died. He pleaded his case with no recourse. On September 20, 1655, it was recorded that Vaughan and his fellow court examiners decided that Buckland’s promise for a “good and new course in better living” was not likely. They ruled in favor of Mary Buckland and granted her a divorce order. Not only was Buckland divorced from his wife, but he was also whipped and banished from Northampton County.[5] Adultery was not simply unlawful in the court system, but a symbol of poor religious advocacy as well. It seems out of the ordinary that the court ruled so strongly in Mary Buckland’s favor, considering she was a woman speaking out against a man in the seventeenth century. Despite the fact that this ruling was unusual, it appears from the records that Vaughan and his fellow jurors ruled in a just manner.

Although Vaughan was described as a good-natured character and an active member of the Church of England, interestingly enough he was one of the many ordered to sign an “oath of allegiance” to the Commonwealth of England.[6] The men who signed this oath were considered dissenters from the Church of England. There only appeared to be one documented occasion where Vaughan behaved improperly. On October 29, 1651, Captain Richard Vaughan was brought to court “for the Crime and great sinne of drunkenness.”[7] He was fined and it was soon forgotten. In fact, Vaughan was a strong believer in the church. In his will, he bequeathed one thousand pounds of tobacco toward the “buildinge of a house for Gods Service.”[8] It was very common to ask for God’s blessing in a will, but not to actively make arrangements for the existing estate to be engaged in Christian service after death. He was a very unique individual in this sense.

Although Vaughan was a religious man, the majority of his fame came from his various appearances in the court records. Many people were indebted to Vaughan; and in court cases involving payment, Vaughan normally ended up as the beneficiary. Henry Field, for instance, was indebted to Vaughan for “fower [four] ells of fine canvis and three ells of Holland along with forty-two pounds of tobacco”.[9] Phillipp Taylor had some problems with Vaughan. Taylor refused to pay six pounds and eighteen shillings of money or “mercantable beaver by the next cropp...with eight pounds percent forbearance.” This led to a court decision against him.[10]

In 1651 Vaughan was formally sworn into the office of Commissioner of Northampton County.[11] Prior to receiving this position, he had been appointed constable taking the place of Christopher Stokes.[12] His political status gained him the title of “Mr.” by the early 1650s, whereas from 1655 on he was referred to as “Captain.” These titles were highly esteemed and demonstrated his high social class. In 1652, Jenkin Price paid him 1,200 pounds of good tobacco leaf and cask and also gave him one servant, John Dromer, and one white and black cow with a white tail.[13] It should be taken into account that after his rise in social status, the payments Vaughan received were much more notable.

With his newly acquired position, Vaughan participated in the more precarious situations that arose. There always existed the threat of “Indian” attacks on the settlers and sometimes the men (and women) desired to punish the Indian tribes that were rumored to be plotting against the colonists. On April 29, 1651, Vaughan and many others, under the leadership of Colonel Edmund Scarburgh, decided to attack the Pocomoke Natives along the northern boundary of Accomacke. They set out to “capture or kill” the leader of the supposed conspiracy to massacre the settlers. Two Indians, who were considered ringleaders, were bound with chains from their necks to their heels.[14] The court order of May 10th described that these vigilante settlers, “did in a hostile manner (contrary to the knowne lawes of Virginia and the league made with the Indyans). . .rayse a partie of men to the number of fiftie persons with Armes and ammunicon.” It continued by stating that the settlers had intended “to take or kill the Queen of the Pocomoke, [they had] shott att Indyans, slashed and cut their cropps, Took Indyan prisoners . . .Accons [actions that] caused the Indyans to invade the county, to the great danger of our lives and Estate.”[15]

According to the court records, all of the attacking settlers were arrested and kept in custody until they presented themselves before the governor and council in James City. Unfortunately, there is no account of the court proceedings in James City, but there is a record of peace offerings sent to the Natives by the settlers. William Andrews, who was the prosecutor of the defendants sent “100 arms length of Roanoke” to Onecren of Pocomoke, the same to the King of Metomkin and “10 weeding hoes” to the two Natives who were bound by chains. To the Native “shot by the wife of Toby Selby,” 20 arms length of Roanoke was sent.[16] Although it seemed that the people involved in the raid were punished, Vaughan was actually rewarded with his aforementioned political upgrade to commissioner.

By accepting that Vaughan’s participation in this Native attack was due to a natural tendency to want to better his relations with the upper members of society on the Shore, it can then be rationalized that once in power he showed his true respect for the people who had less social status. In a court case between the Natives and Captain Thomas Johnson (a fellow member of the raid) Vaughan decided it would be fair to recompense the Indians for their losses in the trial and so divided the roanoke issued to Johnson among the Natives as well.[17] Vaughan was also placed in charge of a court case where the Natives were accused of stealing from Richard Kellum.[18] Vaughan was chosen to settle the matter; probably due to his seemingly good rapport with the natives. In another instance with Kellum, the Native King, Andyaman, complained about Kellum’s behavior toward his tribe. Vaughan was again asked to examine and determine the disturbance at Kellum’s house with regard to the Natives and settle the dispute.[19]

On a different occasion John James, a servant to Vaughan, ran away from Vaughan’s home. When James was found the next morning, he was given “ten lashes well applied” on his “naked shoulders.” Vaughan claimed it was in “just merritt of his offence.” Despite this punishment, however, Vaughan acquitted and discharged the “negro boy known as James from claims or demands of servis whatsoever (for myself, my heirs, exrts or Admrs)” within two months of the punishment. James would maintain his freedom only if he agreed not to serve anyone else.[20]

Perhaps Vaughan’s lack of desire to seem arrogant or overconfident with his success in life is what led him to be the gentleman that he was. Of course, his witnessing of so many extremely lurid and trivial court cases throughout the later years of his life could have also influenced his refined nature.[21] Vaughan, even though he was not considered a troublemaker and his appearances in court were much tamer than those of his fellow community members, still remained cautious and actually had an attorney just in case.[22] Vaughan was also considered a “humble servant” of the governor council. This leads to the belief that he was a respectable man who was well- mannered in all classes of society even though the temptation, and the path followed by the majority, was to focus solely on personal wealth and rank.[23]

By the end of his life, Vaughan had become a fairly prosperous man. In 1648 he purchased three hundred acres of land from the “Indian King of Nandue” which two years later was reissued as 650 acres.[24] In 649 and 1651 he acquired approximately 1,100 acres of land for the transportation of thirty people.[25] There does seem to be an indication that Vaughan forged some of the names of the transported people. Under the name of his stepson, John Walthome, Vaughan was indirectly granted land for the transport of nine people. Although Walthome supposedly did the transporting, he was only nine years old at the time. By using Walthome’s name as well, Vaughan was able to gain more land.[26] Other individuals listed as Vaughan’s responsibility were actually transported by another man named Richard Bailey. In 1651 Vaughan acquired more land, but this time he did in fact transport the people himself in an honest manner. All of the names were verified as being transported by Vaughan and the dates match their activity in Virginia. Vaughan’s transport of these individuals may at first seem to contradict his many years of involvement in the colony, but this is not necessarily the case. Many people left England without a designated sponsor for their trip, and therefore needed someone who was already in Virginia to technically “transport” them to the Shore. Vaughan, along with many others, simply waited for these ships to enter the colony and claimed those people not already sponsored by someone else.[27]

After being rewarded these tracts of land, Vaughan and his family lived in many different places around the county. They are believed to have finally settled near Bayview because there are indications of an early dwelling that based on archaeological work, could have possibly been the location of his original home.[28]

It is clear that Vaughan felt at home on the Eastern Shore of Virginia. He spent the majority of his life in Northampton-Accomacke County and he would most likely say they were his best years. As has been demonstrated, Vaughan led a life that was fairly unfamiliar to many of his fellow Virginians. He was a unique person in many ways, but his will was the most intriguing the aspect of all. Strangely enough, he wrote his will on November 23, 1645, at a time when he felt close to death. Though his death did not come until about eleven years later, he kept his first and only written will as his last. He had great respect for the particulars of peoples’ last requests in their wills. This fact can be seen with the death of his brother-in-law, Stephen Charlton. Charlton had requested that Vaughan be the sole guardian and caretaker of his daughter Bridgett and that he receive her entire estate.[29] Vaughan was very careful to take care of her possessions so that they would be there for her when she came of age. On four separate occasions in 1655, Vaughan presented himself in court to defend the property of Bridgett Charlton.[30] He did this because he wanted to be loyal to the petition of Charlton to care for his daughter’s estate. Unfortunately, his efforts were fruitless because when he died, his own wife, Grace, who was Charlton’s sister, claimed Bridgett’s estate for herself.[31] Grace Vaughan comported herself well while her husband was alive, but escaped that persona somewhat when she saw there was an opportunity to increase her already wealthy position in society.

It all began in the summer of 1656.[32] Richard Vaughan had just recently passed away and a court session was called at the Vaughan estate to review his last will. Having been dated in 1645, however, there was question as to whether it was his final testament. Several men presented themselves as witnesses under oath that indeed this was the true will and so it was accordingly approved and “authenticated in lawe.”[33]

In his will Vaughan named his wife Grace to be his executrix and to possess all of his personal estate. His servant, Galatia, was to be freed after Grace’s death, and the “Negro girl” Temperance, the “eldest Negro” Sussan, and the youngest Jane, were to remain with his stepson, John Walthome, until he turned twenty. The Negro boy was to receive “towe cowes” after Vaughan’s death, but there is no mention of freedom for him. Once freedom came to the servant girls, they were to receive “towe Cowes wth calfe or calfs by Their side Towe good suite of cloathes, a good Bedd & Boulstr & a Rugg; & Towe Blankettes; & a pott & one Good Brass Kettle; wth foure barrells of Corne, & a younge breedeinge sowe.” Until that time, however, they were to live on John Walthome’s plantation of 440 acres in a twenty-five-by-twenty-foot house with a chimney that Walthome was to build them. The house was to be theirs forever, even after their freedom from Walthome.

Vaughan was one of the first people to be willing to give freedom to his servants. He is also one of the only people to grant manumission and land to African servants.[34] Perhaps he did it because he was able to see them as people with dreams of improving their life just as he had improved his own. It is in this same will that Vaughan requested that the church be built that he also requested for the servants to be taught to read, mend their own clothes and “to bee brought upp in ye feare of god.”[35] It was very important to him that these children be given some education and be able to walk away from servitude capable of living a free and meaningful life. He took great care in preparing his will and expected everything to be as he wrote it. Despite Vaughan’s intent upon his death, Grace Vaughan did not agree with her husband’s plans for the servants. She petitioned the court and resolved to keep the Negroes from inheriting their cattle

The passion that Vaughan brought to Northampton County is nearly impossible to match. It is the everyday adventurers like Vaughan who truly give a sense of the community life that was such a part of the colonial world. Those who look back into the history of the Eastern Shore, whether it be for family heritage or simple historical curiosity, are destined to learn much from Captain Richard Vaughan and the simple life he led in early seventeenth century Virginia.





Footnotes:

1 According to the Passenger and Immigration Lists Index. Compiled by William Filby and Mary K. Meyer. 1981. Vol. 3. Detroit: Gale Research Company, Richard Vaughan did not technically arrive in Virginia until sometime between 1654 and 1663. The referenced source to which the previous book leads is, #943, Bristol and America: A Record of the First Settlers in the Colonies of North America, 1654-1685. ed. by R.S. Glover. 1929. Baltimore: Geneological Publishing Co. It surprisingly does not reference Richard Vaughan as having come to the colony at all. It is proven through court records and even in land acquisitions that Vaughan was indeed active on the Shore prior to this date. For example, on September 15, 1649, he was given land for several transported persons that was next to John Walthom’s land – his stepson. Also he and John’s mother, Grace, were married since 1640. Cavalier’s and Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants. Compiled by Nell Marion Nugent. 1979. Vol. I. Baltimore: Geneological Publishing Co. Inc. p.183.




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2 Ralph T. Whitelaw. Virginia’s Eastern Shore. 1984. Vol. I. p. 434. Camden: Picton Press. To see an argument involving John and Grace Walthome, Anne and Roger Williamson, and Anne and Christopher Stephens, see County Court Records of Accomacke-Northampton Virginia 1640-1645. Transcribed by Susie M. Ames. Vol I. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. p. 85. John Waltham’s name has many variations and throughout the records is referred to as Walthame, Walton, Waltan, Walthome and Walthame. John Watham’s will is dated September 16, 1640 and a transcribed copy can be found in the County Court Records of Accomacke-Northampton Virginia 1640-1645. Grace Waltham was the executrix to John’s will and she receives all of his personal estate, among other things. For more details see p. 48.

3 Vaughan even issued his young stepson 450 acres. He never had any other children with Grace. This land was reissued to John Waltham, Jr., long after Vaughan’s death in 1673 as 700 acres. (Whitelaw, Virginia’s Eastern Shore, Vol I. p. 612). In 1655, Vaughan received land from Thomas Cooke and created a plantation for John Waltham, Jr., leaving the land with sufficient housing and fencing. He gave it to Grace to hold for her son John. See Northampton County Virginia Record Book: Orders, Deeds, Wills &c. 1654-1655. Transcribed by Howard Mackey and Marlene Alma Hinkley Groves. 1999. Vol. 5. Rockport: Picton Press. p. 236.

4 In Stephen Charlton’s will dated October 28, 1654, it shows his wealth and the strong adoration for his sister’s second husband. Ibid. p. 114. *The grammar, punctuation and spelling of quotations included herein have remained unaltered by the author.*

5 Northampton County Virginia Record Book. Vol 5. p. 53, 71. The other court examiners along with Vaughan were Edmund Scarborough and Thomas Johnson. Mary Buckland’s maiden name was Chillcocke and Buckland’s mistress’ name was Mary Russel, with whom Buckland had a “bastard” son. Interesting note: In the original court record the clerk of court, Edmund Mathewes, accidently wrote Vaughan instead of Buckland as the man having committed adultery with Mary Russel. On the day the decision was made to grant divorce, the name was written correctly as Buckland.

6 The Oath of Allegiance was signed on the March 25, 1651. It seemed necessary since it was technically established in the new country without a king or a House of Lords. For a list of names see Cropper Wise Jennings. Ye Kingdome of Accawmacke. 1911. Richmond: Bell Book and Stationary Co. p. 135. An idea of Vaughan’s activity in the church can be seen on p. 278.

7 Vaughan had to pay 400 pounds of tobacco with court charges. Charles Scarburgh and Robert Parker were charged with drunkenness on the same day as Vaughan. Northampton County Virginia Record Book. Vol. 6, 7-8. p. 15.

8 The location of the church is uncertain because Vaughan wrote the will while in Northampton County and actually died in Accomacke (this was before the two counties came together), so it is thought that the parish he had built could be called Old Hungar’s Church. Vaughan’s transcribed will can be found in Northampton County Virginia Record Book. Vol. 5. p. 192-193. Specific reference to the confusion of the church location can be found in Whitelaw’s, Virginia’s Eastern Shore, Vol. 1. p. 408.

9 County Court Records, 1640-1645. Vol. I. p. 143. Field was only given 10 days to pay Vaughan the fabric and pounds of tobacco. It was presented to the court March 8, 1641(1642). Henry was also spelled Henery.

10 See Ibid. p. 85 to see Taylor’s first order of the court (May 17, 1641) and p. 134 to see Taylor’s punishment for not having paid (September 20, 1641).

11 Vaughan seemed very happy to have been appointed to the position of commissioner because he only appears to have missed one day of work. It was October 28, 1655 when he plead his “inability to performe the office and place of a commissioner.” It was therefore “ordered that the sd peticon bee granted Concrninge ye tyme of Capt. Rich: Vaughans sickeness.” Northampton County Virginia Record Book: Orders, Deeds and Wills &c. Vol. 6, 7-8. p. 9.

12 See references to this in Virginia Colonial Abstracts. Compiled by Beverly Fleet. 1988. Vol III. Baltimore: Geneological Publishing Co. p.46.

13 April 28, 1652. This reference can be seen in Northampton County Virginia: Orders, Deeds, and Wills 1651-1654. Transcribed by Frank V. Walczyk. 2000. Book IV. Coram: Peter’s Row. p. 62.

14 Ye Kingdom of Accawmacke. p. 117.

15 Whitelaw, Virginia’s Eastern Shore, Vol II. p. 628-629. Depending on the source it may say that the settlers were going to capture the King of the Pocomokes instead of the Queen. The other leading gentlemen involved in the attack were Mr. Thomas Johnson, Capt. John Dollinge, John Robinson, Toby Norton, Richard Bailey, Ambrose Dixon, Rich Hill and Jenkin Price. The rest are referred to as “divers others inhabitants and free men in the upper parte of the parish in the countie of Northampton.”

16 Ye Kingdom of Accawmacke. p. 117. This shows that it was not only men who attacked Natives with weapons, but that women participated too.

17 Northampton County Virginia Record Book: Orders, Deeds, Wills &c. Vol. 5. p. 109. The court heard the case on November 2, 1654 and the actual disturbance took place on July 28, 1654.

18 Orders, Deeds and Wills 1651-1654. Book IV. p. 84.

19 Ibid. p. 193.

20 Northampton County Virginia Record Book: Orders, Deeds, Wills &c. Vol. 6, 7-8. p. 13, 43.

21 Vaughan witnessed many court cases including: surgery cases ( April 9, 1655) Ibid. p. 64; a petition owing payment to Scarburgh (March 7, 1654) p. 54; Robert Lawson purging at Vaughan’s house (1643) County Court Records. Vol. 3. p. 350-351; house scandal involving adultery between the Gaskins and Nuthall wives and husbands (1651) Northampton County, Virginia: Orders, Deeds and Wills Book IV. p. 34; Anthony West’s refusal to deliver corn and peas to Farmer Jones (1651) p. 54; Vaughan was given the power to “ease and determine” the controversies surrounding Richard Bennett. p.97. These are just a few cases in which he was involved. There are many more details in the above-mentioned sources. Vaughan was also the appraiser for the estate of Ralph Pettymond along with David Fox. References to this can be found in Fleet, Vol. 3. p. 36.

22 His attorney was John Badham. Orders, Deeds and Wills. Book IV. p. 119.

23 Considered a “humble servant” when he along with William Jones, Thomas Hunt and Thomas Sprigg were asked to search Edmund Scarburgh’s ship for gun powder and other arms. Vaughan was a close friend of Scarburgh (one of the most prominent and influential men on the Shore) and did not find anything on the ship worth reporting. For more information on this event, see Orders, Deeds and Wills Book IV. p. 165. One way in which Scarburgh’s and Vaughan’s friendship is reflected is in a land transaction where Scarburgh gives John Walthome 100 acres in July 1652. p. 70.

24 Cavalier’s and Pioneers Vol. I. p. 184, 217.

25 For a list of these transported people and specific land locations and boundary markings, see Nugent’s Cavalier’s and Pioneers Vol. I. p. 183, 184, 217.

26 Ibid. p. 183. Even one of the names, Thomas Jones, is listed as being transported in 1642 by “John Walthome” (which was really Vaughan) when Walthome was only 3 years of age. For specific references, see George Cabell Greer. Early Virginia Immigrants 1623-1666. 1978. Baltimore: Geneological Publishing Co.

27 See Early Virginia Immigrants to see that Vaughan actually transported these names. Information that is in support of Vaughan’s honesty in this matter is that people, such as Ambrose Dixon, do not appear in the records before the supposed date of transport. Dixon also participated in the 1651 raid on the Natives, which took place two years after his arrival.

28 Whitelaw, Virginia’s Eastern Shore, Vol. I. p. 617.

29 Northampton County Virginia Record Book: Orders, Deeds and Wills, Vol 5. p. 212.

30 Ibid. The dates were: January 30, 1655 p. 214; May 8, 1655 p. 256, and Vol. 6, 7-8 on September 28, 1655 and March 29, 1655. These are the detailed court proceedings that Vaughan went through to make sure that Charlton’s wishes for his daughter, Bridgett, were upheld.

31 Ibid. p. 122-123. Grace Vaughan was requesting restitution.

32 Vaughan’s will was recorded July 29, 1656. p. 193 of Northampton County Virginia Record Book: Orders, Deeds and Wills, Vol 5.

33 Ibid. p. 191-192. William Thorne, John Shippwaye and Stephen Horsey made the oath. They were the overseers and testes to the will of Vaughan as can be seen in the original transcribed will p. 193. In Ye Kingdom of Accawmacke, the will of Richard Vaughan is mistakenly said to be Mr. Grace Vaughan’s will. p. 287.

34 Ye Kingdom of Accawmacke p. 287.

35 Transcribed original will in Northampton County Virginia Record Book: Orders, Deeds and Wills, p. 193.

36 Ibid. Vol. 6, 7-8. p. 91. This took place on June 25, 1656. Grace Vaughan went onto marry Colonel Thomas Lambert on February 2, 1657 of Lower Norfolk County. The servants, Galatia and her three daughters-- Temperance, Jane and Sussan were all sold to Lambert. Upon Grace’s death they were assigned to go to John Walthome, and the “Negro” woman, Galatia, never got the freedom Vaughan promised her. Also, the plantation left to Walthome became a part of Lambert’s estate and he was only required to give John Walthome half of it to share with the servants upon Grace’s death. Vol. 7-8. p. 29-30. Lambert revoked all the power Grace had with regard to Vaughan’s estate in a court proceeding on p. 144. He actually relieved all people indebted to Vaughan when the estate became his personal property.

 

Works Used

Abstracts of Wills and Administrations of Northampton County, Virginia 1632-1802. Compiled by James Handley Marshall. 1994. Maine: Picton Press.

Ames, Susie M. Studies of the Eastern Shore in the Seventeenth Century. 1940 Richmond: Dietz Press.

Cavalier’s and Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants. Compiled by Nell Marion Nugent. 1979. Vol I. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co. Inc.

County Court Records of Accomacke-Northampton, Virginia 1640-1645. Transcribed by Susie M. Ames. 1973. Vol. 1,2,3. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia.

Crowson, E.T. Life As Revealed Through Early American Court Records. 1981. Greenville: Southern Historical Press.

Glover, R.S. Bristol and America: A Record of the First Settlers in the Colonies of North America, 1654-1685. 1929. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co.

Greer, George Cabell. Early Virginia Immigrants 1623-1666. 1978. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co.

Jennings, Cropper Wise. Ye Kingdome of Accawmacke. 1911. Richmond: Bell Book and Stationary.

Northampton County Virginia: Orders, Deeds, and Wills 1651-1654. Transcribed by Frank V. Walczyk. 2000. Book IV. Coram: Peter’s Row.

Northampton County Virginia Record Book: Orders, Deeds, Wills &c. Transcribed by Howard Mackey and Marlene Alma Hinkley Groves. 1999. Vol. 5, 6, 7, 8. Rockport: Picton Press.

Passenger and Immigration Lists Index. Compiled by William Filby and Mary K. Meyer. 1981. Vol. 3. Detroit: Gale Research Company.

Perry, James R. The Formation of a Society on Virginia’s Eastern Shore, 1615- 1655. 1990. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Virginia Colonial Abstracts. Compiled by Beverly Fleet. Vol 1, 3. 1988. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co.

Whitelaw, Ralph T. . Virginia’s Eastern Shore. 2 Vol. 1984. Camden: Picton Press.

Wills and Administrations of Accomack County, Virginia 1663-1800. Transcribed by Stratton Nottingham. 1990. Heritage Books Inc.




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