2 Ibid p. 92-97.
3 Ibid p. 90.
4 Ibid p. 97, 103. All quotations throughout this body of work remain in their original form. No grammatical, spelling or capitalization changes were made by the author.
5 Andrew White. "A Briefe Relation of the Voyage Unto Maryland, 1633." Found in Narratives of Early Maryland, 1633-1684. Transcribed by Clayton Collman Hall. 1910. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. p. 10, 13, 24.
6 The term "agriculture" includes cropland, grassland and pasture, unused land left fallow, and secondary forest on formerly cleared agricultural sites. This definition was taken from Jorge A. Benitez and Thomas R. Fisher. "Historical Land-Cover Conversion (1665-1820) in the Choptank Watershed, Eastern United States." Ecosystems. 2004. Vol. 7. p. 219-232.
7 "An Account of the Colony of the Lord Baron of Baltamore, 1633." Author Unknown. Found in Narratives of Early Maryland, 1633-1684. Transcribed by Clayton Collman Hall. 1910. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. p. 5-10.
8 According to William Cronon in Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists and the Ecology of New England. 1983. New York: Hill And Wang, the tendency of these explorers was to view the land and its resources as "extractable units...for the interest of future undertakings."
9 See Helen C. Rountree and Thomas E. Davidson. The Eastern Shore Indians of Maryland and Virginia. 1997. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. See this source for more information on where in Maryland the Native people were able to eat particular foods due to the sandy conditions of the soil or the freshwater and saline conditions of the marshes and waterways. According to Rountree and Davidson, they incorporated potatoes, oysters and blue fish into their diet, to name a few.
10 Benitez et al. "Historical Land-Cover Conversion (1665-1820) in the Choptank Watershed, Eastern United States."
11 Helen C. Rountree. The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture. 1989. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
12 Rountree and Davidson. 1997.
13 Timothy Silver. A New Face On the Countryside: Indians, Colonists and Slaves in South Atlantic Forests, 1500-1800. 1990. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and see also Lincoln Taiz and Eduardo Zeiger. Plant Physiology. 1998. Sunderland: Sinauer Associates, Inc.
14 J.L. Kuwan and H.H. Shurgart. "Vegetation and Two Indices of Fire on the Delmarva Peninsula." Journal of the Torrey Botanical Society. 2000. Vol. 127(1) p. 44-50. The results to their study were obtained through an analysis of soil charcoal index.
15 These conclusions were drawn in a study of an area in Western Maryland, but can also be applied to the Eastern Shore oak forests. Marc D. Abrams, "Where has all the White Oak Gone?" BioScience. 2003. Vol. 53(10). p. 927-941.
16 Ibid. Abrams, dendroecology records show that fires occurred about every eight years during the pre-settlement and the post-settlement years.
17 Maryland was established in 1634 with about 150 settlers. By 1700 the population grew to 34,000; by 1740 there were 100,000 and by the end of the colonial period there were 300,000. Henry M. Miller. "Transforming a 'Splendid and Delightsome Land:' Colonists and Ecological Change in the Chesapeake 1607-1820." Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences. 1986. Vol. 76(3). p. 173-187.
18 Although disease and religious fervor played a large role in many of the European and Native Contact Periods, across various regions in the Americas, those issues will not be explicitly discussed in this study.
19 An understanding of this relationship can be seen by examining the Natives' relationship to the animals themselves. This relationship began to be broken down after the colonists came to the Eastern Shore and began hunting based on profit and not necessity. For a more controversial viewpoint, not discussed here, among the Indians and the animals, see Calvin Martin's Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade. 1980. Berkeley: University of California Press. Martin argues that the Natives participated in the fur trade because they were fighting a spiritual war with the animals.
20 No more than a few colonists were ever able to make the fur trade a profitable enterprise because only a very small number acquired even a basic knowledge of Native language and/or culture. This knowledge was the key to successful trading with the Natives. Henry Norwood, a successful interpreter and "friend" to the Natives, was considered to be a key player in fur dealings between the Pocomokes and the settlers. "A Voyage to Virginia by Colonel Norwood." 1650. In Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol.III.No. 10. Transcribed by Peter Force. 1836. Washington D.C: Peter Force. See also Sharon Himes. Cavalier's Adventure: The Story of Henry Norwood. 2000. Princess Anne: Arcadia Productions.
21 Benitez et al. "Historical Land-Cover Conversion (1665-1820) in the Choptank Watershed, Eastern United States."
22 English fur traders, such as Mr. John Nutall a prime trader in the Chesapeake region including Accomack County, were at times even accused of being more loyal to the Indians than to the English. The Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1661-1675, reference several cases of these English encouraging the Indians to oppose the English penetration on their territory. This demonstrated the strong interest the fur traders had in maintaining the land for the Indians for the good of the fur trade. Nutall's interest in securing the land for the Indians can be seen in the aforementioned proceedings Liber H.H., folio 140. Dated April 9, 1662.
23 The English were accustomed to the property boundaries of other colonists only if they had bought the land with a legal patent. Being aware of this cultural aspect of the English, several prominent fur traders bought land, with the intent to let the Natives live on it under their English patent - to try and keep the fur trade alive. As long as the Indians could freely hunt, then the furs would continue to be profitable for the English as well. The lands they patented tended to be lands within Native villages. The problem with this entire system was that the Natives required the use of the area surrounding the village to hunt, not only their small villages. Although this plan slightly disrupted land-hungry planters from entering the Pocomoke and Assateague territory, it could not keep the fur trade alive and so did not keep the English land owners satisfied. Eventually, this land which had been patented specifically for the Natives by the fur traders - to keep the market alive-was sold to colonists interested in farmland and the Natives were pushed off of the land. One area patented by John Edmondson in 1665 did not fail as quickly as the others. The hinterland surrounding Edmondson's land became the Choptank reservation so those Natives were able to continue the fur trade and live as they chose for a while longer. Edmundson and John Pitts were "grant Lycence and Commission to trade & trafficque wth any Indians wthin the Province for Beavor and Roanoke or other Commodities." Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1661-1675. Liber H.H., folio 271. Dated September 7, 1666.
24 John R. Wennersten. "Soil Miners Redux: The Chesapeake Environment, 1680-1810." Maryland Historical Magazine. 1996. Vol. 91. p. 157-179.
25 George Calvert's intention for Maryland was for it to be a haven for Catholics and King Charles I of England granted this land to Calvert hoping for it to be the first proprietary colony in the New World.
26 Wennersten in "Soil Miners Redux."
27 David M.Potter. People of Plenty: Economic Abundance and the American Character. 1954.Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Although this book focuses on the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, its ideas can be applied to earlier history. This can also be seen in Timothy Silver's A New Face On the Countryside: Indians, Colonists and Slaves in South Atlantic Forests, 1500-1800.
28 This is not meant to imply that Native individuals did not seek personal gain and high individual standing, but it was not directly tied to a capitalistic market as it was with the Europeans.
29 The name Askiminikonson was spelled a variety of different ways by the settlers. Spelling of the English language was just being developed in this time period and so no standards had been set yet. According to Hammil Kenny, in The Placenames of Maryland Their Origin and Meaning (1984) Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, Askiminikonson has been referred to as the Askiminikanson, and Askimenkonsen Indian town. A court council held on 7 May 1686 in St. Mary's City indicates that Nassawango Creek once bore the alternate name Askimenokonson Creek. Another reference on the eleventh of May. Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1684-89, Liber B. P.R.O., folio 26,28. It has also been spelled as Nassiungo or Naseongo. Today it partly lies in the Coulbourne district in Worcester County and is most commonly called Indiantown or Nassawango.
30 Somerset County Maryland Rent Rolls. 1662-1723. p. 39.
31 Ibid. 10 June 1664. Land was called Assacimaco.
32 Somerset County Maryland Rent Rolls. 1663-1723. p 169-170. Surveyed 17 July 1665. Lies on the north side of the Pocomoke River near the land of Thomas White.
33 Ibid. p. 39. The land was called "Ledburn" and was situated on the north side of the Pocomoke River at the southern most bounds of the land of Phineas White.
34 Improvements to the land can be seen in Cronon's Changes in the Land and Micheal Leroy Oberg. Dominion and Civility. 1999. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
35 Silver's A New Face On the Countryside.
36 Somerset County Judicial Records, September 1689-November 1690: p. 33. The Natives were made to pay their land's rent of beaver skins, but even this proved difficult. The ruler of the settlement of the Assateague Natives on Askiminikonson, Robin, complained that although they were expected to pay this rent the English obstructed and deprived them of hunting beaver. Another Native complaint from Askiminikonson was that "John Kirk and John Carter will not suffer their Indians to hunt upon their land"; further, if they "catch any beaver" the colonists would "challenge the [ownership of the] skinns." See the Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1684-89, Liber B. P.R.O., folio 26. May 6, 1686.
37 This land acreage exceeds the study area of 5,000 acres of this research, but the research area is included within it (see Map 3).
38 Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1684-89. Liber B. P.R.O., folio 25.
39 Edward Hammond was one of the Englishmen the Natives complained about. He came to Old Somerset County (now Worcester) in 1669. He was transported. This normally meant he indentured himself to another in servitude in order to "pay" for passage across the Atlantic from England. By 1681 he was transporting people himself to obtain "headrights" or land in return for payment of passengers. He was given 700 acres called "Chasbury" in October 1681. Land Office (Patent Record) 1682-1688. Folio 70.
40 Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1684-89. Liber B.P.R.O.
41 Rountree and Davidson. 1997.
42 For more information on bald cypress trees and the mysterious role of the "knees" that surround them see Christopher H. Briand. "Cypress Knees: An Enduring Enigma." Arnoldia. 2000-2001.Vol. 60(4). p.19-20, 21-25.
43 The other place is Battle Creek in Southern Maryland. Battle Creek is also presently owned by The Nature Conservancy. More information on Maryland vegetation can be found in Russell G. Brown and Melvin L. Brown. Woody Plants of Maryland. 1972. Baltimore: Port City Press.
44 Rountree and Davidson, 1997.
45 The English were not forced off the land because they had "paid" the Natives for the land with matchcoats. Matchcoats were a cloak-like garment made of European cloth sometimes referred to as trading cloth. This was apparently not an equitable system, not only because land is worth much more than cloth and it was an unfair way to "pay" for Indian land, but even within itself it was not well organized. For instance, one colonist paid forty-two matchcoats for 3,000 acres while another colonist paid forty for 500 acres. Dorchester County Land Records Liber 6: folio 6, 3, Liber 5 folio, 214.
46 Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1684-89. Liber B. P.R.O., folio 28-29. The court went on to suggest that a swinging gate "that will shut of itself" be placed at the Pocomoke River bridge and the Nassawango/Askiminikonson Creek to keep out the horses and Cattle for the security of the Indians' fields and labors.
47 Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1684-89. Liber B. P.R.O., folio 68-69.
48 These examples of encroachment can also be found in the Archives of Maryland Transcribed by William Hande Browne. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society Vol. 5 p. 312-328; Arch. Vol. 15 p. 390; Arch. Vol. 17: p. 50-51, 55-56.
49 There is now a golf course at this location at the northern point of Nassawango. The horse bridge is no longer there, but the name has persisted.
50 This estimation was not done out in the field and so "all distances are approximate and are in no way guaranteed or recordable for an official survey." The size in square miles was 63.81901. Three mile buffer reference: Archives of Maryland 5 p. 480. It is in the three-mile buffer zone that that the Nassawango Iron Furnace was built. To clarify, the study area for this research is a 5,000 acre portion of the Askiminikonson reservation, including the surrounding buffer zone.
51 Somerset County Maryland Rent Rolls. 1662-1723.
52 More information on the ways in which the English improved their land can be found in William Cronon's Changes in the Land and Oberg's, Dominion and Civility. Information just on improvement through fences can be found in Archives of Maryland: 26 p. 443; Arch. 35 p. 369.
53 Archives of Maryland Vol. 15 p. 312-328, 351, 390; Arch. Vol. 17 p. 50-51, 55-56.
54 Somerset County Judicial Records. 1707-11: 96, 131, 1727-30: 154, 222. Interestingly enough, as time went on, the Maryland authorities were less threatened by the Natives. They did not fear an attack and so did not attempt to appease the Natives in the ways they had before. The Natives, even after complaining to the court system, rarely won their cases. It was nearly impossible for the local juries to convict English defendants in these cases.
55 Archives of Maryland Vol. 5 p. 312-328; Arch. Vol. 15 p. 390. John Parker, a freed indentured servant, began an almost 30-year battle with the help of his father (George) and son (John Jr.) against the Pocomoke and Assateague over the Askiminikonson reservation land. He was a freed indentured servant and actually began surveying his own property in the territory. He emerged as one of the largest landowners in the reservation land by 1760.
56 Abram's 2004 "Where Has All the White Oak Gone?"
57 Cronon in Changes in the Land.
58 It is believed that, of these remaining Natives, those who chose to leave joined fellow Algonquian tribes in northern Pennsylvania. Rountree and Davidson 1997.
59 To see these references see Archives of Maryland Vol. 17 p. 50-51, 55-56. Somerset County Judicial Records, September 1689-November 1690: 40. Somerset County Judicial Records 1675-77: 81. Archives of Maryland Vol. 25 p. 392, 457. Somerset County Judicial Records 1727-30: 154. To see references to the last mentions of the reservation see Worcester County Land Records A: 475, Archives of Maryland Vol. 28 p. 268, and Worcester County Land Records B: 311.
60 Benitez et al. "Historical Land-Cover Conversion (1665-1820) in the Choptank Watershed, Eastern United States." For more information on changes in the soil see also P.B. Bapst, K.R Lewis, W.W. Miller, L.R. Lal, and R. Fausey. "Soil Carbon Sequestration Under Different Management Practices." n.d. Ohio State University.
61 The original tract was a 20-acre parcel called "Defiance." Furnacetown Uncatalogued Archives.
62 Later bequeathed to his son John Morris. The land is currently referred to as "Adkin's bog." Nature Conservancy Files found in Furnacetown Uncatalogued Archives.
63 By 1916, there were "a total of 51 large mill and timber operations." F.W. Besley. The Forests of Maryland. 1916. Annapolis: The Advertiser-Republican.
64 Catriona E. Rogers and John P. McCarty. "Climate Change and Ecosystems of the Mid-Atlantic Region." n.d. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.
65 Bacon's Laws of Maryland, 1756. Archives of Maryland. Vol. 75, p. 717.
66 The study was done by J.W. McAtee and D.L. Drawe. "Human Impact on Beach and Foredune Microclimate on North Padre Island, Texas." Environmental Management. 1981. Vol. 5. p. 121-134.
Interesting references to it can be found in Lori M. Hunter The Environmental Implications of Population Dynamics. 2001. Santa Monica: Rand. For a discussion on soil properties see S.I. Dodson, T.F.H. Allen, S.R. Carpenter, A.R. Ives, R.L. Jeanne, J.F. Kitchell, N.E. Langston, and M.G. Turner. Ecology. 1998. New York: Oxford University Press.
67 View and Estimates. Worcester County Orphans Court Proceedings 1797-1802. LH 8.
68 Archives of Maryland, Vol. 34, p. 460. For more on tobacco and soil exhaustion see Wennersten in Soil Miners Redux.
69 View and Estimates. Worcester County Orphans Court Proceedings 1797-1802. LH 8. The regulation on tree cutting was considered mostly for the benefit of the orphan. It was so that when the orphan came of age, the land would not be void of forest or contain exhausted soil.
70 Darling, Fraser E. "Man's Ecological Dominance Through Domesticated Animals on Wild Lands." excerpt from Cronon's Changes in the Land. p. 141.
71 Soil Miners Redux.
72 Henry Norwood's "Voyage to Virginia" and Himes' Cavalier's Adventure. Bear quote excerpted from Bay Journal March 2004 issue.
73 Abram's 2004. "Where Has All the White Oak Gone?"
74 Another growing market on the Eastern Shore was the slave market. Most of the hard plantation work was done by slave labor. John R. Wennersten. The Chesapeake: An Environmental Biography. 2001. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society.
"An Account of the Colony of the Lord Baron of Baltamore."1633. Unknown. In Narratives of Early Maryland, 1633-1684. Edited by Clayton Collman Hall. 1910. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
Archives of Maryland. Transcribed by William Hande Browne. Volumes 4, 5, 15, 17, 25,
26, 28, 34, 35, 39, 75, 423, 540. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society.
Besley, F.W. December 1916. The Forests of Maryland. Annapolis: The Advertiser-
The Borderer. August 4, 1835.
"A Briefe Relation of the Voyage Unto Maryland." 1633. Father Andrew White. In Narratives of Early Maryland, 1633-1684. Edited by Clayton Collman Hall. 1910. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
Catalogued Manuscript Collection from the Jones and Taylor Family Papers. Housed by
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Located in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
The Complete Works of Captain John Smith. (1580-1631): The Description of Virginia by Captaine Smith. 1612. Transcribed by Philip Barbour. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
Daily Times. May 23, 1980, May 30, 1980, July 17, 1980, January 11, 1982, January 1,
1983, April 25, 1994.
Democratic Messenger. 1976.
Dorchester County, Maryland Land Records Libers 5, 6.
Eburne, Richard. 1624. A Plain Pathway to Plantations. Edited by Louis B. Wright.
1962. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Fehrer, Joseph and Ilia. Spring 1992. From the files and Recollections of Ilia J. and Joseph W. Fehrer, Sr. "The Nature Conservancy Nassawango Creek Nature Preserve: How it Began."
Fuller, Garth. 1993. "Conservation of Rare Plant Populations on Maryland's Eastern Shore: Management for Protection of Rare Plants in Adkin's Bog." Nature Conservancy Archival Materials of Bill Bostian. Held at the Furnacetown Living
Heritage Museum located in Snow Hill, Maryland.
Green, Elmer. 1934. The Making of Maryland. Baltimore: E & M Green.
Hughes, Richard B. 1980. A Cultural and Environmental Overview of the Prehistory of Maryland's Lower Eastern Shore Based Upon A Study of Selected Artifact Collections. Prepared for the Maryland Historical Trust and The Tidewater Administration Maryland Department of Natural Resources Coastal Resources Division.
Judicial and Testamentary Business of the Maryland Provincial Court, 1637-1650.
Liber Z. 12 February 1637. Found in the Archives of Maryland Vol IV.
Land Office (Patent Record). 1682-1688.
Uncatalogued Archival Collection from the Furnacetown Living Heritage Museum.
Located in Snow Hill, Maryland.
Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly, 1733-1736. Found in Archives of
Maryland. Vol. 39.
Proceedings of the Council of Maryland, 1657-1660: Liber H-H, 1661-1675: Liber H-H,
1684-1689: Liber B.P.R.O.
Maryland Coast Press. January 30, 1981, June 26, 1981.
Maryland Provincial Patents. Vol. 9.
North American Gazette. May 1850.
Interview with Kathy P. Fisher by Mercedes Quesada-Embid at Furnacetown Living
Heritage Museum located in Snow Hill, Maryland on 21 November 2003.
Salisbury Advertiser. September 4, 1952; February 2, 1983.
Seymour, John 1707. [Letter from this Maryland Governor was printed in the
unpublished Maryland Provincial Records] Published in Maryland Historical
Magazine. Vol. 16. Transcribed by Louis Dielman. 1921.
Somerset County Judicial Records. 1675-1677, September 1689-November 1690, 1707-
Somerset County Maryland Rent Rolls. 1662-1723.
Snow Hill Messenger. November 1831, April 1832, May 1832.
Townsend, George Alfred. 1884. The Entailed Hat. New York: Harper and Brothers. Housed in the Edward H. Nabb Research Center for Delmarva History and Culture's Rare Book Collection.
View and Estimates. Worcester County Orphans Court Proceedings 1797-1802. LH 8.
Virginia Legislative Petitions, Northampton County. March 17, 1842.
A Voyage to Virginia by Colonel Norwood. 1650. In Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol. III.-No. 10. Edited by Peter Force. 1836. Washington D.C.: Peter Force.
Worcester County Land Records A and B.
Worcester County, Maryland 1840 and 1850 Census. Transcribed by Ruth T. Dryden. Westminster: Family Line Publications.
Abrams, Marc D. 2003. "Where has all the White Oak Gone?" BioScience.Vol. 53(10).
Anderson, Terry L. 1992. Property Rights and Indian Economies. Lanham: Rowman
Bapst, P.B., K.R Lewis, W.W. Miller, L.R. Lal, and R. Fausey. n.d. "Soil Carbon
Sequestration Under Different Management Practices." Ohio State
"Base Metal and Iron Ore Mining." 1998. Pollution Prevention and Abatement
Bay Journal. March 2004.
Beaven, George Francis and Henry J. Oosting. 1939. "Pocomoke Swamp: A Study of a
Cypress Swamp on the Eastern Shore of Maryland." Bulletin of the Torrey Club.
Benitez, Jorge A. and Thomas R. Fisher. 2004. "Historical Land-Cover Conversion
(1665-1820) in the Choptank Watershed, Eastern United States." Ecosystems.
Briand, Christopher H. 2000-2001. "Cypress Knees: An Enduring Enigma."
Arnoldia. Vol. 60(4).
Brock, Peter. 1968. Pacifism in the United States from the Colonial Period to the First
World War. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Brown, Russell G. and Melvin L. Brown. 1972. Woody Plants of Maryland. Baltimore: Port City Press.
Clemens, B. 2001. "Changing Environmental Strategies Over Time: An Empirical Study
of the Steel Industry In the United States." Journal of Environmental
Management. Vol. 62.
Cronon, William. 1983. Changes in the Land. New York: Hill and Wang.
Cronon, William. 1991. Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West. New York:
Dodson, S.I., T.F.H. Allen, S.R. Carpenter, A.R. Ives, R.L. Jeanne, J.F. Kitchell, N.E.
Langston, and M.G. Turner. 1998. Ecology. New York: Oxford University
Eastern Shore Times. July 14, 1977.
Grumet, Robert S. 1995. Historic Contact: Indian People and Colonists in Today's
Northeastern United States in the Sixteenth Through Eighteenth Centuries.
Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Heimann, R.B., U. Kreher, I. Spazier and G. Wetzel. 2001. "Mineralogical and Chemical
Investigations of Bloomery Slags from Prehistoric (8th Century BC to 4th Century
AD) Iron Production Sites in Upper and Lower Lusatia, Germany."
Archaeometry. Vol. 43(2).
Himes, Sharon. 2000. Cavalier's Adventure: The Story of Henry Norwood. Princess
Anne: Arcadia Productions.
Hunter, Lori M. 2001. The Environmental Implications of Population Dynamics. Santa
Joosten, I., J.B.H. Jansen, and H. Kars. 1998. "Geochemistry and the Past: Estimation of
the Output of a Germanic Iron Production Site in the Netherlands." Journal of
Geochemical Exploration. Vol. 62.
Kaczorek, Danuta, M. Sommer, I. Andruschkewitsch, L. Oktaba, Z. Cxerwinski and K.
Stahr. 2004. "A Comparative Micromorphological and Chemical Study of 'Raseneisenstein' (bog iron ore) and 'Ortstein.'" Geoderma. Vol 121.
Kaczorek, Danuta and Micheal Sommer. 2003. "Micromorphology, Chemistry, and
Mineralogy of Bog Iron Ores from Poland." Danuta Kaczorek and Micheal
Sommer. Catena. Vol. 54.
Kenny, Hammil. 1984. The Placenames of Maryland Their Origin and Meaning. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society.
Kuwan, J.L. and H.H. Shurgart. 2000. Vegetation and Two Indices of Fire on the Delmarva Peninsula. Journal of the Torrey Botanical Society. Vol. 127(1).
Leconanet, Hélène, Francois Léveque and Jean-Paul Ambrosi. 2001. "Magnetic
Properties of Salt-Marsh Soils Contaminated by Iron Industry Emissions
(Southeast France)." Journal of Applied Geophysics. Vol. 48.
Legler , Dixie. 2002. Historic Bridges of Maryland. Crownsville: Maryland Historical
Lepore, Jill. 1998. The Name of War: King Philip's War and the Origins of American
Identity. New York: Random House.
Lewis, Clara L. 1993. Handbook for Delmarva Archaeology. Department of State, State of Delaware.
Lewis, Ronald L. 1978. "Slave Families At Early Chesapeake Ironworks." The Virginia
Magazine of History and Biography. Vol. 86(2).
Mannino, Antonio, Forrest Hall, Frank Hoge, Randy Kawa, Robert Knox, Charles
McClain, Elizabeth Middleton, Robert Swift, Alexander Chekalyuk, Lawrence
Harding, John Moisan, and Tiffany Moisan. 2003. "The Chesapeake Bay-Mid-Atlantic Bight (CMAB): A Proposed NACP Coastal Ocean Field Intensive Site."
McAtee, J.W. and D.L. Drawe. 1981. "Human Impact on Beach and Foredune
Microclimate on North Padre Island, Texas." Environmental Management. Vol. 5.
McNeill, J.R. 2000. Something New Under the Sun: An Environmental History of the
Twentieth Century World. New York: W.W. Norton and Company.
Miller, Henry, M. 1986."Transforming a 'Splendid and Delightsome Land:' Colonists
and Ecological Change in the Chesapeake 1607-1820." Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences. Vol. 76(3).
Mitchell, John Hanson. 1984. Ceremonial Time. New York: Anchor Press.
Mitsch, William J. and James G. Gosselink. 2000. Wetlands. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Martin, Calvin. 1980. Keepers of the Game: Indian-Animal Relationships and the Fur Trade. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Merritt, Jane T. 2003. At the Crossroads: Indians and Empires on a Mid-Atlantic
Frontier, 1700-1763. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
Muller, H. Reed, Alice E. Paterra and Jerome DeRidder. 1995. "The Furnace Town
Phoenix: A Case Study of the Rebirth of an Economic Community." Essays in
Economic Business and History. Vol. 13.
Oberg, Micheal Leroy. 1999. Dominion and Civility. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Paling, E.I., G. Humphries, I. McCardle and G. Thompson. 2001. "The Effects of Iron
Ore Dust on Mangroves in Western Australia: Lack of Evidence for Stomatal Damage." Wetlands Ecology and Management. Vol. 9.
Porter, Frank W., III. 1986. In Pursuit of the Past: An Anthropological and
Bibliographic Guide to Maryland and Delaware. Metuchen: The Scarecrow
Porter, Frank W., III. 1979. Indians in Maryland and Delaware: A Critical
Bibliography. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Potter, David M. 1954. People of Plenty: Economic Abundance and the American Character. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Quinn, David B. 1982. Early Maryland in a Wider World. Detroit: Wayne State
Roache, George. November 1996. "Nassawango News: The Newsletter of the Nassawango Creek Nature Preserve." Vol. 5(2).
Robbins, Michael Warren. 1972. The Principio Company: Iron-Making in Colonial
Maryland, 1720-1781. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms.
Rogers, Catriona E. and John P. McCarty. "Climate Change and Ecosystems of the Mid-
Atlantic Region." n.d. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.
Rountree, Helen C. and Thomas E. Davidson. 1997. The Eastern Shore Indians of Virginia and Maryland. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia.
Rountree, Helen C. 1989. The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Selfa, John Bezis. 1994. "Planter Industrialists and Iron Oligarchs: A Comparative Prosopography of Early Anglo-American Ironmasters." Business and Economic History. Vol. 23(1).
Semmes, Raphael. 1937. Captains and Mariners of Early Maryland. Baltimore: The
Johns Hopkins Press.
Silver, Timothy. 1990. A New Face On the Countryside: Indians, Colonists and Slaves in
South Atlantic Forests, 1500-1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Singewald, Joseph T. 1911. The Iron Ores of Maryland. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Taiz, Lincoln and Eduardo Zeiger. 1998. Plant Physiology. Sunderland: Sinauer
Thomas, James Walter. 1900. Chronicles of Colonial Maryland. Baltimore: Cushing
Tiner, Ralph W. 1987. A Field Guide to Coastal Wetland Plants of the Northeastern
United States. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press.
Torrence, Clayton. 1979. Old Somerset on the Eastern Shore of Maryland: A Study in Foundations and Founders. Baltimore: Regional Publishing Co.
Truitt, Reginald V., and Millard G. LesCallette. 1977. Worcester County: Maryland's Arcadia. Snow Hill: Worcester County Historical Society.
Wennersten, John R. 2001. The Chesapeake: An Environmental Biography. Baltimore:
Maryland Historical Society.
Wennersten, John R. 1996. "Soil Miners Redux: The Chesapeake Environment,
1680-1810." Maryland Historical Magazine. Vol. 91.
White, John R. n.d. "The Rebirth and Demise of Ohio's Earliest Blast Furnace." Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology. Vol. 21(2).
White, Richard. 1996 . The Organic Machine. New York: Hill and Wang.
Worcester County Messenger. December 21, 1977, December 30, 1981.